2 On Lenin’s culpability, see Robert Service, The Last of the Tsars: Nicholas II and the Russian Revolution (London: Pegasus Books, 2017), 248–53.
3 Cited in Orlando Figes and Boris Kolonitskii, Interpreting the Russian Revolution: The Language and Symbols of 1917 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 72.
4 Count Vladimir Nikolaevich Kokovtsov, Out of My Past: The Memoirs of Count Kokovtsov, ed. H. H. Fisher and trans. Laura Matveev (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1935), 522.
5 Douglas Smith, Former People: The Last Days of the Russian Aristocracy (London: Picador, 2013), 184.
6 Kokovtsov, 518-19.
8 Service, 5–10. See also: S. A. Smith, Russia in Revolution: An Empire in Crisis, 1890–1928 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), 16–21. For a more sympathetic interpretation of Nicholas as man and ruler, see Dominic Lieven, Nicholas II: Emperor of All the Russias (London: John Murray Publishers Ltd, 1993).
9 Andrew Monaghan, “A ‘New Cold War’? Abusing History, Misunderstanding Russia,” Chatham House Research Paper, Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2015.
10 Slater, 44.
12 Vladimir Putin, Address to the Meeting of the Valdai Discussion Club, October 19, 2017.
13 Putin, Unveiling of Monument to Grand Duke Sergei Aleksandrovich, May 4, 2017.
16 Mark D. Steinberg and Vladimir M. Khrustalev, The Fall of the Romanovs: Political Dreams and Personal Struggles in a Time of Revolution (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 21.
17 Jesse Norman, Edmund Burke: The First Conservative (New York: Basic Books, 2013), 138, 232. Neither was Nicholas necessarily opposed to change in itself, as he is often represented. Unbound by the solemn oath Nicholas swore before God at his coronation, his son Alexei he believed would “repeal what’s unnecessary.” “I’m preparing the way for him,” the tsar told a member of the court (Service, Last of the Tsars, 10).
18 Tsuyoshi Hasegawa, The February Revolution: Petrograd, 1917 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1981), 493–94.
19 Lieven, Nicholas II, 232.
20 For Nicholas’s interaction with ministers, see Kokovtsov, Out of My Past, p. 153. On the standard that Nicholas held himself to as an “apostle-like Tsar,” see John Strickland, The Making of Holy Russia: The Orthodox Church and Russian Nationalism before the Revolution (Jordanville: Holy Trinity Publications, 2013), 97–102. I am firmly convinced that Nicholas could not conceive the possibility of the separation of Church and State any more than he could the principles of a purely constitutional monarchy. On the question of such a separation as ideologically constitutive of modern liberalism, see Andrew Willard Jones, Before Church and State: A Study of Social Order in the Sacramental Kingdom of St Louis IX (Steubenville: Emmaus Academic, 2017), 2–20.
21 Patrick Deneen, Why Liberalism Failed (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2018), 27–31, 174–78; also John Milbank and Adrian Pabst, Politics of Virtue: Post-Liberalism and the Human Future (London: Rowman and Littlefield International, 2016), 247–76.
22 The text of the liturgies can be found in The Royal Passion-bearers of Russia: Their Life and Service, St. Herman of Alaska Brotherhood, (Platina, California, 2014).
23 Michael Cherniavsky, Tsar and People: Studies in Russian Myths (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961), 13–17.
24 Richard S. Wortman, Scenarios of Power: Myth and Ceremony in Russian Monarchy from Peter the Great to the Abdication of Nicholas II (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006), 160–61, 388, 393; Orlando Figes, A People’s Tragedy: The Russian Revolution, 1891–1924 (London: Penguin Books, 1996), 10–11.